The Programme of the NSDAP: The National Socialist German Workers’ Party and Its General Conceptions

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by Gottfried Feder. Translated from the NSDAP original.

 

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SC. 78pp.

At Weimar in 1926 the Council of the Party decided to publish a series of pamphlets, dealing in a concise form with the fundamental questions affecting every aspect of political life in Germany. Our intention was, and is, to present a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National Socialism towards the various tasks of our public life, and of the means by which it hopes to remove its errors and defects.

Our task is therefore to examine exhaustively how it stands, then to enquire scientifically whence it originated, and finally, with creative inspiration, to answer the fateful question, what then? The high aim of these pamphlets is to indicate new methods for the life of the State, for finance and economics; to set on high a ‘rocher de bronze’ in the midst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear knowledge for close study, so that out of it all may emerge a united political will.

At the great Meeting on August 31st, 1927, Adolf Hitler declared emphatically: “Questions of Programme do not affect the Council of Administration; the Programme is fixed, and I shall never suffer changes in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme.” With this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I associate myself whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and striking force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its fixed Programme should be subjected to negative criticism.

No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the Jewish question, in our fight against high finance, the Dawes Pact and the pauperising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme, or is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to us; his place is outside the N.S.D.A.P. We utterly reject the ‘superior private knowledge’ which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory and journalistic out-pourings.

A man who agrees fundamentally with our principles may perhaps have scruples about a few minor details, for we cannot expect evergone to agree absolutely on all questions, especially in an aggressive political movement.

It is, however, a different matter when political enemies make mince meat of some one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point, as has indeed happened. In such a case an official commentary is necessary. (See Point 17.)

We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other parties do, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make conditions suit our Programme, by mastering them.

I have been commissioned by Adolf Hitler to issue this series of pamphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party.

I have included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6th 1930; also my reply to ten questions set us by the Deutsche Tageszeitung, the leading organ of the Reichlandbund. That newspaper accepted my replies.

This is the best and most effective way to dispose of all the lies about our ill-disposition towards ownership and inheritance of landed property in Germany.